Entries filed under "all entries"
Květen 04, 2004
Assignment 6: SmartFlashMeetMoveUpOnSter

Blog assignment 6:. How can social software help to build new kinds of public space and discourse? Analyze one of the networked political organizations (such as MeetUp or MoveOn - or others) to understand how new forms of political coordination and power are being created.


I interrupt this assignment to offer the following suggestion about future weblog assignments. I love the lectures, the readings, the class weblogs and the wiki and I find this to be one of the most exhilarating and useful experiences I've had as a student -- in one sense. But the detailed, strictly-defined nature of the weblog assignments counteracts those benefits, and the frantic frequency of the assignments at the end of the semester amplifies this effect. These constraints are too tight. My creativity's in a straitjacket.

(I may belong in a straitjacket but my creativity doesn't.)

Consider this assignment. It starts strong: "How can social software help to build new kinds of public space and discourse?" Now that's a great question! I could produce a compelling essay that explores that question because I'm fascinated by the prospects for new sorts of place, space and discussion that will arise when computer-mediated communication is combined with face-to-face interaction via locative services, augmented reality and tech that allows people to examine their face-to-face encounters in new ways.

But I don't have time to delve into this fresher and more interesting stuff, because the second half of the assignment forces me instead to analyze MeetUp or MoveOn, each of which has been analyzed to death by dozens of other people and now will be analyzed further by dozens of my classmates. So I'll just offer a few juicy links that suggest what I'm getting at, before I MoveOn:

  • Encounter Bubbles
  • Location-Aware Thumb Ratings
  • Hocman

    - - -

    Thanks for breaking from traditional instructional style to experiment with weblogs; this was a useful and enjoyable exercise. And the next class will get even more out of this if you pose more open-ended questions, or if you ask them to explore their own questions within each week's theme of study. Weblogs embrace fluid forms of discourse by their nature; strictly formalized assignments are a better fit for occasional class papers than for often-updated weblogs.

  • I think the flash mobs phenomenon can tell us something about the MoveOn and MeetUp phenomena. Dozens of mainstream media reports and more than a few weblog entries mischaracterized the flash mobs of 2003 as being created via the use of networked mobile communications devices such as cellular phones and handheld computers. Some SMS activity was reported surrounding a few of the flash mobs, particularly those in Europe and Asia, but even there mobile devices didn't play a central role in these events. The 2003 flash mobs were built upon e-mail, Web sites, mainstream media reports, face-to-face speech, and paper slips (which informed participants gathered at initial meeting points where to go and what to do from there). But many webloggers and journalists made the mistake, over and over again, of tying flash mobs to mobile phones and PDAs. Some mainstream media and weblog reports also implied that flash mobs were completely decentralized. It's almost as if they wanted the sort of computer-mediated, decentralized social swarming behavior predicted in Howard Rheingold's book Smart Mobs to become a reality; it's almost as if they read these things into the situation.

    Then again, perhaps the flash mob participants experienced similar feelings; maybe they vaguely sensed or hoped for the emergence of such promised new capabilities and phenomena, before the location-sensing technology necessary to support "smart mobs" was ready for mass consumption. Perhaps that's what motivated the surge of flash mobs popularity.

    Perhaps I've ventured too far into Speculationville, but let's keep going anyway. I can suggest a similar hypothesis to explain MoveOn and MeetUp and the Dean campaign. Perhaps people (webloggers, journalists and voters too) really wanted particular new forms of computer-mediated civic action and discourse that have been predicted for years in Wired and in weblogs and in Smart Mobs and in magazines and newspapers. Perhaps we all wanted these things so badly that as soon as we saw something like MeetUp (which makes organizing local gatherings among people who already want to gather easier, but probably doesn't provide the desire to gather in the first place) or MoveOn (an echo chamber that doesn't really encourage people to form new arguments or movements, but only provides another way for people of a particular political stripe to reinforce one another's very similar beliefs). Maybe one day our technology will catch up with our wishes, maybe that's not possible. Perhaps I've crossed over into Rambletown; I'd better get back on the highway and head home to Assignmentsburgh.

    Here's a brief application of the Networks and Netwars reading to the Howard Dean campaign: the campaign was strong at the Narrative and Doctrinal levels. It told a romantic and compelling story about an underdog building up grassroots support, and potentially unseating a bigger, better-funded opponent. Core to the story was the way this was happening - through the use of the Internet as a campaign tool. The media ate up this story and it intrigued people across the globe. I assume that this powerful story and its success in moving outsiders encouraged the network of Dean supporters to enthusiastically embrace their doctrine.

    (By the way, the National Defense Research Institute's Networks and Netwars reading is a useful and enjoyable piece, and not just because it uses the phrase "malcontents, ne'er-do-wells, and clever opportunists" without sarcasm or irony. I recommend it to anyone interested in emerging social networks.)

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    Assignment 7: Schmoozamatic
    Blog assignment 7:
  • LinkedIn. Connect with people you know. Fill out your profile.
  • Analyze how you construct your identity on LinkedIn
  • Is this service an effective way to find job connections? Why (not)?
  • Analyze the service considering the Granovetter readings.
  • LinkedIn seems very clearly designed around Granovetter's concept of weak ties, especially as applied to job hunting. Granovetter considers "strong ties" to be the relationships between you and those people who you have very close relationships with: family members, go friends, and so on. "Weak ties," on the other hand, are relationships between you and people whom you aren't so close to - but these people are important because they link the tight social circles that you belong to all the other social circles. Granovetter posits that weak ties are extremely important to the flow of information through social networks, and he found that among white-collar professionals, jobs were found more often through weak ties than through strong ties.

    LinkedIn encourages you to compose a professional presentation of yourself and to bring your professional colleagues in to the system. It allows you to search within this representation of your extended professional network for people within given industries, regions, companies, and with given titles. You're also given a free-text search field, an important feature that helps you find pieces of information in people's profiles that the designers couldn't have predicted or categorized.

    - - -

    By now I'm accustomed to the unnecessarily strict constraints that online social services place upon members' profiles; LinkedIn isn't the worst offender here. It steers you through the process of entering information, putting forth categories and instructions that encourage you to present yourself in a professional and businesslike manner, which is appropriate to an extent. But when it comes to professional experience, it makes the same mistake that so many job sites make: it tries to force you to toss aside that resume that you spent so many hours perfecting and instead waste a lot of time entering the same bits of information into a bunch of text boxes and dropdowns in a way that makes it very easy to lose a page worth of information and have to start the page over again. I understand the benefit of placing information into discrete categories so that it can be more easily searched, so that the computer can find and present results in more contextually appropriate ways. Nonetheless, the service should allow people to attach a plain-text or PDF resume and allow that to be searched, because many people are like me and are not willing to enter all this information over and over again across multiple sites in such an inefficient manner. The site should at least accept resume documents and then attempt to fill in its form fields automatically; many items such as names, addresses, well-known company names, position start and end dates, and the like can be fairly reliably parsed in this way. LinkedIn should ask live users to edit pre-filled fields if anything - they shouldn't saddle us with the painful task of filling out every single box and pulldown.

    So I didn't follow this advice from LinkedIn: "As a job-seeker, you should add your past positions. It will provide an online resume through which users can find you!" I already have a perfectly good resume and I don't have time for this nonsense. Because I didn't fill in "positions" I don't even have the chance to seek an endorsement, and I don't think I'd feel comfortable asking any former clients to log in and post an endorsement for me here.

    But I did fill in my "professional overview" with a suitably professional-sounding summary, which I lifted directly from the top of my resume. I also filled out a few of my core "specialties" because that section seemed like one that would be important in searches. I also adjusted my "receive requests" settings, configuring them at a fairly loose and liberal level because I don't expect to be flooded with requests from LinkedIn users.

    I think it's too soon for me to tell whether this service is an effective way to find job connections, because so much of the answer to this question depends upon how many people who need my skills log in to the service, upon how much they trust LinkedIn connections, and so on. It seems like a much better way to find job connections than the other social networking services I've tried because it brands itself as a professional-networking service and it encourages members to present themselves in that way. I will certainly try to find jobs through LinkedIn and I wish I would have devoted time to it earlier in the year so that by now the pump would be primed.

    A particular pet peeve: attempting to form a connection with another LinkedIn member is unnecessarily difficult, because you can't simply click a link to send them a connection request - you must enter the person's e-mail address. This is a very bad idea for several reasons:
          1. It's a hassle; you have to go track down the person's address.
          2. Many folks use multiple e-mail addresses, so when trying to connect to a few of my friends I wasn't sure which e-mail address to enter.
          3. Because people trying to connect to me face issues 1 and 2, they will tend to enter my primary e-mail addresses, which they know me by, into LinkedIn. That destroys an important mechanism that I use to protect myself against spam and other invasions of privacy. Here's how that mechanism works: I sign up for a couple of free "spam-catcher" addresses at Hotmail that I use exclusively for Web site registrations. That way if any of the sites that I sign up for sells my e-mail address to spammers, or if they attempt to send me their own spam, I don't have to deal with it because it goes to my spam-catcher accounts which I studiously ignore. But I don't have this option on LinkedIn because even if I sign up using a spam-catcher account, my friends are likely to reveal my real e-mail addresses. What does LinkedIn do with these addresses? It's not clear, and even if they permanently trash them they should clearly notify users of that fact. But the really important issue here is -not- what LinkedIn does with those addresses, it's what LinkedIn members worry that LinkedIn might do with those addresses. LinkedIn is not paying enough attention to its brand and its customers' perceptions here.

    Perhaps I'm misinterpreting this, but it seems that when you find someone who's more than two degrees away from you, the system only tells you which of your contacts that connection goes through. In other words, to arrange an introduction to that person and take advantage of the weak tie you'll have to ask your contact who's closest to her to pass on your contact request to the next person along the line. This preserves the important gatekeeper function carried out by people who link different groups of people. On the other hand though, it certainly can create new tensions because when a friend asks you to provide some social capital and put yourself slightly at risk by introducing you to one of your contacts, that's usually acceptable because you can judge both people in the situation and feel relatively sure that both people can be trusted and that neither person will feel inappropriately put upon if you provide the introduction. But if your friend asks for an introduction to a friend of a friend of one of your friends, you can't vouch for two people in that chain and you can't be sure that the person at the end is an appropriate fit for your friend at the beginning who's making the request.

    Filed under all entries at 08:41 PM | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0) | Permalink
     
    Our Sister Class in Minnesota

    Another class at another school (The University of Minnesota) is also using weblogs to support discussion of class readings as applied to Meetup.com. Here is one of the students' weblogs.

    Filed under all entries at 07:54 PM | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0) | Permalink
     
    Květen 03, 2004
    Nunberg on Weblogs

    I'm following Lisa's lead by linking to Geoff Nunberg's 5-minute segment about weblogs from NPR's radio show Fresh Air.

    Nunberg, a Stanford linguistics professor, shares a fresh perspective about weblogs, weblog language and weblog motivations. I thought his little essay was more original and thought-provoking by far than most of the weblog literature that I've come across. Then again I'm a word nerd and a recovering print journalist so I'm just a little biased towards Nunberg's point of view.

    Filed under all entries at 11:31 PM | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0) | Permalink
     
    Assignment 5: Squeezing Weblogs Into Little Square Boxes

    Blog assignment 5: Examine three blogs of your choice. Aim for diverse blogs (group vs individual, personal vs journalistic, different types of people, etc).
  • Interview bloggers as part of your analysis.
  • Consider the content using genre analysis.
  • What motivates the users to post?
  • How do they categorize their entries?
  • How do people decide who to link to?
  • Use information theory (as reported in the game readings) to analyze your blog sample.

  • I studied a close friend’s almost completely text-based personal weblog (The Official Record: www.creamy.com/blog), a frequently-updated personal site that consists mostly of photos (Satan’s Laundromat: www.satanslaundromat.com), and a weblog that resembles an opinionated business column (Reiter's Camera Phone Report: www.cameraphonereport.com). I interviewed the owners of the first two sites; the third weblogger didn’t answer my interview request.

    - - -

    Genres

    R. Blood classifies weblogs into three basic types: filters (which focus on content external to the weblogger), personal journals, and notebooks (which can focus on external or internal content but are distinguished by longer, focused essays.)

    S. Krishnamurthy proposes a weblog classification system consisting of a graph with two axes, as seen here:

    krishnamurthy.gif


    The Official Record lies far towards the individual side of Krishnamurthy’s spectrum and it tends strongly towards quadrant I (“online diaries”) although it often veers towards the more topical territory of quadrant III (“enhanced column”). Blood would consider The Official Record a personal journal.

    In one sense Satan’s Laundromat fits squarely into the “online diaries” quadrant and is clearly a personal journal. But keep in mind that this is primarily a photolog, and I’m not sure these classifications are quite as appropriate here as they are in describing mostly-textual weblogs. Many photos (and particularly those on Satan’s Laundromat) are of personal interest but simultaneously of universal interest. I don’t care to read what a stranger ate for breakfast, which I can find on many journal weblogs, but a photo of the funky greasy-spoon diner where that breakfast was eaten will probably interest me. I think many people feel the same way).

    Satan’s Laundromat author Mike E. doesn’t even consider his site to be a weblog, although it fits the definitions provided in our weblog readings. Mike wrote:

    I certainly don't consider myself a blogger. I recognize that the site has bloggish aspects, but I don't think of it as a blog. Of course, honestly, protests that your site isn't a blog tend not to be believed once you're nominated for a Bloggie… I'd definitely describe SL as a photolog, which is more or less synonymous with photoblog. Basically, when I think "blog," I think "I had X for breakfast, I'm not sure I like the new Lipton label design, sometimes my girlfriend gets on my nerves, and I saw last night and wow! And I hate hipsters!" Or I think "list of links with brief commentary." Of course, there are varying levels of quality, and some are quite good, but for me a "blog," without further qualification, is text-based. There are genres, of course, like political blogs, but for me political blogs are blogs in a much more real sense than most photo[b]logs are. (For one thing, they are much more likely tocomment on a post on another site and intelligently discuss the ideas in it, which is quite rare in photo[b]logs.)

    Reiter's Camera Phone Report falls squarely into quadrant III of Krishnamurthy’s classification system, the quadrant labeled “enhanced column”. It’s very much a filter but it’s also something of a personal journal. Reiter specializes in the world of camphones, he makes a point of keeping up to date with news and theory and discussion about these devices and through this site he summarizes and links to such material, but he also shares his own opinions liberally throughout the coverage.

    Motivation

    David D., author of The Official Record, keeps his weblog primarily for his own records. “More than anything,” he writes, “I want a record of my thoughts and experiences so that I don't forget them. Of course, I also want to share useful information with others.”

    Mike E. of Satan’s Laundromat started his site as simply a way to share his photos of funny or interesting things. Mike wrote: “I just wanted to put some photos up, didn't feel like doing a bunch of coding, and hit upon Movable Type as a CMS [content management system] to use, mostly because [a] friend was using it and I figured I could ask her for help if I needed to.”

    I can only guess at the motivation behind Alan Reiter’s Camera Phone Report because I haven’t spoken to Reiter. But based on the content of Alan Reiter’s site, it seems clear that an interest in camera phone news along with a desire to network, grow his personal brand and become well known in the camera phone industry all motivate the construction and maintenance of his site. Come to think of it, many webloggers use their weblogs to grow their personal or company brands. No; come to think of it, most of them do; some are more modest about it, some come across in their weblogs as regular publicity hounds. Neither of the weblog analysis frameworks that we covered in the class readings address this important and widespread motivation behind weblogging. [NOTE: After writing this I came across my classmate Jon's entry that's all about weblogs as branding and marketing tools; check it out if you're interested in the subject.]

    Categorization

    David D. does not use official sortable categories in his weblog, but he does write what he calls recurring “columns” such as “Book Review” and “NYC Restaurant Review,” and “Last Weekend” in which he describes what he did the previous weekend. Many entries have no categories.

    Satan’s Laundromat provides no categories that are visible to readers, but author Mike E. does attach his own internal, geographic categories to his photos. Technical difficulties involving content-management templates prevent him from sharing these categories – his current categories would spur gigantic pages for his biggest categories, wasting bandwidth and slowing down the site’s performance. He plans to implement category-archive templates that will solve this problem but until then he’s not publicizing the categories.

    The entries in Reiter’s Camera Phone Report are divided into 30 categories such as “Applications - Camera phones,” “Reviews – Camera phones” and “Future - Camera phones.” It’s not clear why every category ends with “Camera phones” when camphones are the subject of the entire site.

    Links to Others

    David D. is sensitive to privacy issues, he’s savvy about weblogs and search engines, and he never uses friends’ last names. When recounting activities with friends he avoids linking to those friends’ weblogs and he refers to friends using the first name, last initial format (for example: David D.), because he thinks that “it's not my place to tell my friends' readers what my friends are doing in their free time.” David D. provides permanent links to eight weblogs belonging to friends, along with an offer to link to any other friends’ weblogs that he has forgotten.

    Mike E. links to friends’ sites and to sites that typically either are photologs that he likes, or are weblogs that involve New York, or are New York photologs.

    From the front page of his camera phone weblog, Alan Reiter permanently links to:

  • Columns and articles which laud him
  • four advertisers’ sites (served up via Ads by Google)
  • his own other two Web sites
  • camphone handset vendors’ sites
  • carrier and handset software providers’ sites
  • moblog hosting companies [a moblog is a photo weblog that can be updated from the field via a camphone]
  • ”camera phone resources” – six other sites specializing in camera phone information and services
  • individual/group moblogs
  • camera phone review sites
  • Reiter’s own moblog sites and photo albums

    To be honest, this analysis really lacks useful substance. The Blood/Krishnamurthy/Nardi/Herring weblog-analysis frameworks might be a start, but I think they're not very useful in analyzing blogs. In fact, I think adherence to these frameworks' artificial constraints is counterproductive. Perhaps our collective conceptions of weblogs are changing too quickly to realistically capture them in such frameworks? Maybe it's just me; I have trouble just separating my laundry into lights and darks.

    Filed under all entries at 12:37 AM | Comments (1) | TrackBack (0) | Permalink
     
    Květen 02, 2004
    SWORD of Damocles?

    British Telecom is testing a "small world" phone directory service called SWORD. The pilot version is an internal directory of corporate BT phone numbers for use by BT employees. It tracks who calls whom and adjusts search results accordingly. It notes your social network of colleagues (people you have called or who have called you), and colleagues of your colleagues -- so if you look up "John Smith" and there are 500 John Smiths in the directory, those John Smiths who are your colleagues show up first, colleagues of colleagues show up next, and so on.

    Here is BT's public-relations explanation of the service.

    BT is considering a mobile-phone version of SWORD that can use customers' personal address books and calling patterns to populate a database of phone numbers, including those belonging to people who have not registered their numbers.

    This is intriguing stuff, there are some useful ideas here and I hope they'll work out well. Unfortunately BT seems to have overlooked the key privacy and vulnerability issues that will concern users of such services, judging from the public relations article. If the firm doesn't clarify the issues for its customers and if it doesn't provide them appropriate feedback about personal information flow (and appropriate control over that flow) from the start, these products may be cursed with a cloud of Gmail-style hysteria.

    In the meantime, I'd love to know how those BT employees are reacting to SWORD.

    (Thanks to Reed Hedges for the link).

    Filed under all entries at 09:14 PM | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0) | Permalink
     
    Duben 26, 2004
    Assignment 4: Match.com Mistakes
    Brief assignment 4: Browse Match.com, Gay.com’s personals, Spring Street Network (via Nervc.com or TheOnion.com or http://www.springstreetnetworks.com/) or another dating or friendship service and analyze: How do these services support/fail to support dating and/or friendship?

    Analyze the service with particular attention to the analysis of ‘profiles’ using Goffman’s concept of the presentation of self. How well does this analysis derived from face-to-face encounters apply to online encounters? Can it be modified, or are these fundamentally different kinds of encounters?

    Analyze the service considering the issue of deception and identity.

    I spent a lot of time exploring Match.com’s services before my two giant misconceptions about these services came to light. Each foolish misconception involved limits to my self-presentation through these services.

    The First Misconception: I can express myself freely on Match.com through a photo

    Photos are probably the best way to transcend the awkward stilted boxes of information that dominate personal profiles on most dating and social networking Web sites. (Do you drink three times a week, or socially? Are you here to find friends or “activity partners?” Etc. Have the words “activity partner” ever left your lips, other than times when you were making fun of online social services?) The photo on Match.com is like the tie on the standard-issue 1950s grey corporate suit: it’s the only “color” allowed and it’s pretty much the only place where you can really make yourself stand apart.

    - - -

    But Match.com strictly polices and censors its members’ photos. Match.com doesn’t just cut out lewd or offensive photos, they apparently block photos whose style or fashion don’t match their corporate tastes. Like this one:

    seanmug-2.jpg

    This photo is far too raunchy. Match.com won’t let me publish it in my profile.

    This is the default mug shot that I use to represent myself nowadays on many social networking Web sites. It’s not a particularly well thought-out photo, it’s not particularly sharp or attractive. But it’s hard to see how it could be considered obscene or offensive. Here’s how I chose this photo: at some point I wanted a mug shot for some service (Friendster I think), so I browsed through the photos on my hard drive. Of the three contenders, that was the best thing I came up with. I cropped out the head shot and that was that. Now I just post it wherever a photo is needed.

    So I submitted it to Match.com and waited. And waited. A few days later I got a form letter saying that Match.com won’t let me use that photo, that in photos they don’t allow any obscene content or images blurred beyond recognition, that they won’t accept illustrations or photos obviously doctored using image-editing software. (Of course all that was swaddled in smarmy propaganda about how Match.com is committed to serving its customers and keeping this a safe place and so on.)

    But none of the prohibitions in the form letter, or in the on-site photo instructions, seem to apply to this photo by any stretch of the imagination. (I mean, “obscene” is notoriously subjective, but I doubt even the most tightly-wound tightass would find anything in my poor little mug shot obscene?) I followed up and got back a couple more worthless form letters, then finally I got a response from what seemed to be a human being. First the human paraphrased the form letter, then when I pressed for specific reasons why –my- photo was rejected, I was told that it might be too small. But it was larger than many of the photos I could see in other people’s profiles! I was told that perhaps my sunglasses obscured my face too much and made me unrecognizable. I gave up. My Match.com profile lies dormant and photoless.

    If Match.com forces its members to post photos that look like they came from old high school yearbooks, is it any wonder that so many Match.com profiles come across as boring and dorky?

    The Second Misconception: Match.com Mobile will notify me when I'm near other matches

    I was jazzed to hear about the new Match.com Mobile service because I assumed it was something that it definitely isn’t. I thought this would be essentially a glorified Lovegety, I thought someone in the online dating and social networking business had finally made that obvious leap and built a modest little bridge between online and offline social worlds. I thought that finally I could play with the special search and match and notification benefits that come with online social services, that I could supplement my cramped and unrealistic online profile with my infinitely more subtle and flexible and human face-to-face self presentation, and that I could supplement my "given off" face-to-face signals with more "given" signals, from pieces of a profile constructed and presented via computer mediation. I was wrong.

    I thought that Match.com Mobile would allow me to publicize parts of my Match.com profile in the real world with other members through our mobile devices. I thought it might let me set search criteria and to notify me when my phone comes within bluetooth range of a Match.com member whose profile meets those search criteria. I would love to play with a service that notifies me when people who share my interests are nearby. Such a service would not be very difficult to implement.

    I’ll have to look elsewhere. Match.com Mobile is a crippled version of the same old Match.com. It fails to take advantage of any of the real benefits that mobile devices bring to the table, and it fails miserably to work with (or even work around) the constraints tied to mobile devices and the people who use them. It’s essentially the desktop Match.com hastily crammed onto a tiny screen without a keyboard; the old features haven’t been properly redesigned for the new platform and the obvious features you’d expect to see in a mobile version are missing. Hint to Match.com: “write once, run anywhere” doesn’t really work even on the back end; in interface design, that philosophy will destroy you.

    This isn’t at all clear from the Match Mobile marketing hype. Phrases like these cover the Web site: “Flirt anytime, anywhere with Match Mobile,” “Connect anonymously with singles near you on your mobile,” “Search other local singles” and “Flirt on your phone.” All of this seems to imply that members can discover and “connect with” and flirt with other members whom they pass near by as they wander the offline "real" world with their phones. So the first three times that I got notifications on my phone that Match Mobile “found” other members and when these people started sending me chat requests on my phone, I started looking around wherever I was at the moment, trying to spot the person who wanted to chat. Then I realized that these people might be on the other side of the country at the moment; the service wasn’t taking into account our current locations or our proximities to one another. Apparently, Match Mobile just notifies you when another member registers for the services and reports a home city vaguely close to your own. Talk about missed opportunities!

    Wrapping it up

    To answer the other assignment questions:

  • Match.com has at least two neglected means at its disposal to reduce the constraints on how well it supports dating and friendship: through allowing people to express themselves freely through photos, and through allowing people to supplement their online representations with their real-world representations through real-world proximity notifications. Match.com fails to support dating and friendship in these ways.

  • Goffman's analysis of face-to-face encounters can apply to online encounters too. There are many properties that offline encounters share with online encounters, but in many ways these types of encounters are fundamentally different as well.

  • People can and do deceive others by placing false information in their profiles on these services. Face-to-face "reality checks" can make this sort of deception more difficult, but that doesn't come into play because such reality checks are not possible with Match.com Mobile.

    (Sorry Match.com; I don't mean to beat up on you. But hey, it’s an assignment.)

    Filed under all entries at 08:58 PM | Comments (2) | TrackBack (0) | Permalink
     
    Duben 16, 2004
    Assignment 3: Identity in Social Networking Services
    Weblog assignment 3: Analyze one or more sites such as Orkut or Tribe.net. This analysis should focus on how the software shapes/limits your definition of self, but bring in elements from the previous assignment about cultural, dramaturgical, organizational or information theory dimensions as they bear upon how a sense of identity and place is constructed.

    Most of my investigation involved the Orkut social networking service, but I touched on other services. Discussion here applies to Orkut except where otherwise indicated.

    Dramaturgical considerations in Orkut

    Brenda Laurel argues that we should design for action, but Orkut and Friendster both seem designed first for “characters” and configuration and exploration, with action as a secondary concern. I’ve spent probably 98 percent of my time on each service figuring out the interface elements and the site structure and exploring other people’s profiles and relations between people; I spend a very tiny portion of my time there doing "active" things such as posting information on my profile and on others’ profiles, messaging people, arranging offline meetings, and so on.

    But this isn't a bad thing. Laurel goes too far in suggesting that "action" is the one and only worthy goal in interface design – in many cases playing with and figuring out a tool and its interface can be a worthy goal in itself. For instance, video game designers often intentionally introduce arbitrary difficulties into the game interface that make the game more challenging and enjoyable. Consider Dance Dance Revolution, a game in which players must dance skillfully by stomping on sensors in proper sequence: the game itself is extremely simple but the challenge lies in mastery of the dance-step interface. In the case of Orkut, the value of the interface comes not from presenting enjoyable challenges but through the ability it provides members to create a place for engagement in social exploration and activity. Its browsing and searching mechanisms, the network diagrams, etc. shape the ways in which members construct their identities and determine how they fit into their social networks. Some might say Orkut's interface defines these activites too narrowly.

    Jane McGonigal reacts to interface design philosophies that emphasize building for action and transparency by demanding “opaque” interfaces that encourage more exploration and play in her manifesto "The Curious Interface." McGonigal has valuable points but I think her manifesto went wrong in the same way that Laurel went wrong: both take their philosophies to the extreme. They both imply that most interface design problems should be approached using a single philosophy, but there’s a need for both approaches. Games like Dance Dance Revolution obviously call for the playful/exploratory/opaque philosophy. Designers of a fire alarm should follow the clarity/transparency/action approach, making the alarm as simple as possible to operate during an emergency (while making it difficult to mistakenly activate). Context is key. The approach to designing an interface needs to consider the context of the interface and no single philosophy applies in all cases.

    In Orkut's case, the designers might have enjoyed more success had they veered farther towards McGonath's side of the spectrum. People tend to actively tinker with and redefine and reinvent their definitions and presentations of self in countless subtle ways; a less compartmentalized and clearly-defined design approach might enable more of the flexibility and variability that are needed here.

    - - -

    Thoughts on the definition and presentation of self in Orkut

  • Goffman and Crush Lists: Erving Goffman puts forth the concepts of “give” and “give off.” Messages that we “give” to other people are transmitted intentionally and we usually have complete control over them; when I tell you that I didn’t steal your bicycle I’ve given you a message. “Given-off” messages, on the other hand, are harder to control. If I turn beet-red while telling you that I didn’t steal your bike, my blush gives off a message that differs significantly from the message given through my words.

    Online we lose a lot of the “given off” subtleties that enrich our face-to-face communications. This might be a stretch, but one could consider Orkut’s “crush list” scheme a crude form of online “given off” communication. Here’s how it works: if I come across any other Orkut members who strike me as particularly attractive I can add them to my crush list. This list of people is visible only to me, but if anyone on my crush list adds me to their own crush list, Orkut notifies both of us that we share this mutual interest. If this happens it’s not full-on “given off” communication like an offline blush, because I don’t have to specifically turn on my blushing capability before I will blush. But it’s not a completely “given” form of communication either because the communication is not fully under my control and for all I know it will never take place.

            A crush list sidenote: The crush list scheme might be subverted by someone who crush-lists everyone she knows and announces this to all her friends. Such a person would learn which friends have crush-listed her after having shirked the personal risk that usually applies in the crush-list transaction. Such activities might tremendously devalue the crush list scheme. But as it stands interface difficulties make adding many people to a crush list very tedious and time-consuming so this might not be likely to happen unless someone writes software to automatically do this dirty work.

            Another crush list sidenote: On Orkut you can't add anyone to your crush list who hasn't filled out the "personal" portion of his or her profile. So in effect, it's impossible to have a crush on someone in Orkut-land unless they allow it by taking an arbitrary action, and most members are probably unaware of this obscure connection between this action and crushes. Orkut invented an arbitrary and artificial constraint on crushes that differs the way such dynamics operate in the outside world. Why did they do this? I can't imagine why; perhaps it's the same bizarre reason why Orkut prevents people from declaring themselves fans of anyone but their friends, when in the real world most fans don't personally know the people of whom they are fans.

  • Friend Devaluation: In the real world, my closest friends (at least those who live near me and who often hang out with me in public) become an important part of my definition and presentation of self. This important element is not available on Orkut. Just like on Friendster, on Orkut I can’t present to others which friends are my close personal friends, which are vague acquaintances, which are business contacts, and so on. In “Friendster and Publicly Articulated Social Networks” danah boyd points out that on Friendster the artificial, binary friend/nonfriend distinction leads to devaluation of “friend” status because people who use these services realize that many people accept friend invitations from people they barely know. Orkut repeats this Friendster mistake.

  • Constraints on Multiple Presentations: Orkut also prevents me from presenting myself differently to different groups; I get just one profile that appears the same to all viewers, whether they’re my boss, my grandmother or my drinking buddies. In this sense Orkut limits my presentation more even than Friendster, which now allows me to make my profile viewable only to people within 1, 2 or 3 degrees from me. But on Orkut I can send messages only to my friends, to friends of friends, or to a given community; in that small way I can present some things to some people and groups that others won’t see.

  • Why does Orkut require that testimonials be at least 30 characters long? Why can’t I publicly express my relationship with a friend in three words if I wish? This constraint is pointless and nonsensical.

  • Misleading Colors: Orkut’s network-diagram color assignments don’t make sense. In a particular display called the “network diagram,” the names and faces of as many as 35 of a person’s friends appear on the same screen, and most of the faces appear on colored backgrounds. The color assigned to each person (blue, yellow, or pink for “cool,” “trustworthy” or “sexy”) doesn’t really reflect how cool or trustworthy or sexy your friends consider you, as the Orkut documentation claims. Apparently you’re given the color category for which you received the most votes. So if you have 2 cool points and just 1 in each other category, you’ll show up as blue (cool), even though a person right next to you in the diagram who has 200 cool points won’t show up as cool if they have 201 points in another category. (Disclaimer: I’m not sure this is how these diagrams work because in practice they don’t seem to work in the way described in the documentation. If I misinterpreted any of this, please e-mail me and I will correct any mistakes.)

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    Duben 11, 2004
    More on Play

    A couple of points about play that we haven't covered:

  • Play, discovery, evolution... and flash mobs: I think it helps to remember where play comes from. (Or rather: to remember a widely-believed theory about where play comes from.) It's simple: play provides an evolutionary advantage. Wolf pups spend a lot of their time at play. Their horsing around seems pointless at first glance, but look closer and you’ll understand how critical play is to these animals. Wolves learn to hunt and to interact through play; through play they learn what happens when they misuse their abilities, before such mistakes become a matter of life and death. Wolves discover and master their most important powers through playful experimentation. Children do the same. Maybe societies discover and shape and master unfamiliar new tools and powers in the same way? I think flash mobs struck a chord because groups of regular (i.e., non-techie) people vaguely sense the emergence of new powers for ad-hoc social action. People are itching to explore and define these powers through play. (But don't get me started on my smart mob rants).

  • Jane on play: One of the brightest minds in play theory and play research is pushing the boundaries right here at Berkeley. Check her out: Jane McGonigal, Ph.D. candidate, Performance Studies. She'll speak this Wednesday (April 14) from 12 to 1 p.m. at 110 Barrows Hall; subject: "Play or Else, a public lecture on performance in ubiquitous gaming." (Thanks for the tip, Ryan.)

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    Duben 05, 2004
    Awaiting a World Without Monitors

    lobotomyAs we consider potential social and cultural explanations for the brusque, short-tempered, and overly sensitive behavior that we observe in use of e-mail, it's worth considering possible deeper causes too.

    What if computer media activates radically different parts of the brain from those parts engaged by more traditional media? In Mozart's Brain and the Fighter Pilot, neurology professor and neuropsychiatrist Richard Restak, M.D. points out research suggesting that "expressing one's opinion on a computer screen engages a different part of the brain than when writing or typing the same sentiment on a piece of paper." He theorizes that certain critical faculties arising from the left prefrontal lobe might grow weaker when we use a word processor than they become when we write with pen and paper. He says a computer's bright backlit screen, and its mosaics of images changing at high speeds, measurably excite the visual and emotional portions of the brain, while printed media engage different bits of your mind. This, Restak says, can explain the lapses in discretion and excesses of emotion that often emerge in workplace e-mails.

    I get all jazzed up imagining the upcoming bounty of high-resolution, deep-color reflective computer displays. I admit the main reason for my excitement is that once we have screens that look like paper, I can sit out in the sunshine and get my work done; such displays can be just as visible in sunlight as books. No more peering at these monstrous glowing CRTs please; we evolved to spend all day looking at reflected sunlight, not at the glare of cold screens.

    But if Restak's right, such advances in displays might have farther-reaching effects; they might dramatically change people's behavior online.

    (Disclaimer: some critics say Restak is something short of a fruit loop and that his pronouncements veer too far from experimental foundations. He believes that our new technologies profoundly rewire our brains, deeply changing the way we think and operate in the world. I'm a sucker for this stuff, but I avoided repeating his more outlandish claims here. If anyone reading this has a neurology or cognitive science background, please dive in and let me know what you think of Restak's theories in the comments below.)

    More fun of this flavor here.

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    Duben 04, 2004
    Assignment 2: There There, Little One

    "There is no there there."

    - Gertrude Stein, about her home in Oakland

    Weblog assignment 2: Use key concepts from the readings to analyze the information model, cultural dynamics and/or dramaturgy of an MMORPG (massively multiplayer online role playing game) such as SIMS, Counterstrike, Evequest, There!, etc. If you are not familiar with any MMORPG, please explore one. There! has a free trial from http://www.there.com (requires a Windows box).

    I'm fine with calling there.com a “game” because it’s something that people do for fun that’s not necessary for survival or procreation. Some of our game readings mostly concerned games that have winners and losers and stated formal objectives. Nonetheless we can use these readings to learn a few things about there.com and its players and designers.

    I think Salen, Zimmerman and Laurel might have clever things to say about there.com so let's pay them a visit. Sit back, pour yourself a scotch on the rocks and remember to fasten your seat belt.

    - - -

    There.com: The Information Model

    Salen & Zimmerman [reading notes here] describe the concept of balance between “noise” and redundancy in games: a successful game poses enough uncertainty to keep things interesting, to prevent the game from becoming overly confining or predictable, but it avoids making the information transmission so uncertain and inefficient that play seems arbitrary and pointless. Veer too far towards either end of the spectrum and the game becomes a drag.

    There.com strikes me as clearly situated somewhere on the the noisy/uncertain side of things. Consider the game’s lack of a formal objective. Even within the smaller games that I saw within there.com that include objectives (the hoverboard racing game, for instance), pursuit of the objective is not strictly enforced or encouraged and players can use bits of the game for other purposes. For instance, when I got bored with the hoverboard race I just jumped one of the racetrack ramps a few times repeatedly for fun, then raced off the game track and took the hoverboard with me for the rest of my stay in the there.com universe, riding it when I wanted fast medium-distance transportation, carrying it around the rest of the time.

    Of course there are clear constraints too; I couldn’t eat the hoverboard and I couldn’t sit down with a few other players to bet on a cockfight or smoke a crackpipe. At least not in the gameworld. I couldn’t teleport to the places that banned teleportation, I (apparently) couldn’t walk into the paintball arena without a gun, and so on. But the constraints were a lot fewer and less severe than in more formal games. This was clear from the beginning. The game is about exploring and socializing more than it is about racking up high scores or vanquishing enemies.

    Regarding games as being either “perfect information” games in which all information is known to everyone (like in chess) vs. “imperfect information” games (like poker) wherein some information is hidden, I suppose there.com should be considered clearly an imperfect information game because so much of the game involves social interaction and nobody knows what other players will say or (within certain limits) do from moment to moment. But in the case of an exploratory social game like this, the perfect vs. imperfect information classification doesn’t seem like a very useful or meaningful one.

    Salen & Zimmerman could write entire books about how there.com embodies the concept of game as cultural rhetoric. Players must choose from very specific forms of interaction. In particular, the body types and clothing styles and the gestures and other available conversational devices all fit a particular style. You might call this style "wealthy young Western urban hipster as portrayed by turn-of-the-century Hollywood." To some extent this is unavoidable - as Salen & Zimmerman write, “beliefs, ideologies, and values present within culture will always be a part of a game, intended or not.” To accommodate every conceivable human style of appearance in a game like this would be impossible, but I tried making my male character put on a skimpy woman’s top that Janet Jackson would be proud of, and sure enough, this wasn’t allowed.


    There.com as Theater?

    At first glance there.com seems a fine embodiment of Brenda Laurel’s view [reading notes here] of computers as theater and of her ideal computer design as one that supports action and drama. After all, users take on avatars, actors who undertake action and interaction with one another on a beautiful fictional backdrop. Users can and (I thought) do use gesture effectively to reinforce their verbal messages as well as to convey messages on their own. I think that Laurel would praise this as the sort of “close coupling” of multiple interface modalities that she encourages (even if those modalities take place between multiple human players and are never translated between human and machine).

    But I think there.com misses the boat by trying to staple a clunky, standard Windows drop-down (or drop up, in this case) menu bar onto this immersive world. It doesn’t fit. Rather than mapping most input actions directly to the people and objects they involve, there.com makes the classic Windows-and-Mac mistake that Laurel hints at when she writes that coders mistakenly view the computer “as a tool and not a medium.” (A sidenote: I don’t think Laurel chose the best terminology because for many tasks people –do- use computers as tools and that –is- an effective way of looking at them, and tools don’t necessarily reduce drama or stifle action. Tools don’t kill drama, people kill drama. More specifically: designers who shove tools into our faces inappropriately kill drama. But don’t get me started.)

    The there.com user has to keep redirecting her locus of attention from the important things (the objects and people in the game) to care and feeding of the tools (sifting through the drop-up menus to figure out how to trigger the most basic action, for instance; navigating between game window and game Web pages; configuration of tools). Rather than just hammering the nail into the board, the user has to break her focus from the nail and spend five minutes configuring and checking the status of the hammer before anything can happen. Then one of the hammer configuration screens spawns an error message and by then our player has lost interest or, more tragically, has lost a priceless piece of serendipity in motivation.

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    Březen 24, 2004
    Geertz and Cockfighting

    As a kid in South Florida I was terrified and a little fascinated to hear about the cockfights that go down in Miami. What sort of mentality fuels cockfights and dogfights? Is this just extended adolescent machismo? What else comes into play? Can we learn anything here about how we send kids into wars? And so on...

    I was surprised to find "Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight" by anthropologist Clifford Geertz on the class reading list. I dove in and summarized the reading here in the class wiki. It turned out to be a fascinating read, more for new insights it gave me into how people use games than into connections between cockfights and wars.

    A few personal comments on the reading:

  • Geertz avoids judgmentalism: I was impressed that Geertz avoided the typical rich Westerner's reaction of preaching that these people are brutal; he studiously avoids bringing his own moral judgments into the piece. I know this is what he's supposed to do, but during cockfights I doubt I could have pulled that off.

  • Status war? What status war? Several times Geertz states or implies that cockfights present a form of struggle between social classes; for instance, he calls the cockfight a “status war” (417). Elsewhere in the essay he claims flat out that nobody’s status changes (443) as a result of a cockfight and he implies strongly that, in a match, each cock owner generally opposes another owner from similar rank in the fights, and in the most popular, most emotional, most highly-bet upon, “deepest” fights the opponents come from the same class. Did I miss something?

  • Doesn’t this also seem to be a way for the Balinese to transfer the parts of themselves that they’re least comfortable with (open confrontation, violence, loss of composure) onto animals? (Geertz never says this flat out.) As well as viewing these events as reflections of Balinese society, we can see them as inversions of it. Geertz writes that the cockfight’s “flat-out, head-to-head (or spur-to-spur) aggressiveness, makes it seem a contradiction, a reversal, even a subversion of” Balinese social life, in which overt antagonism is avoided and frowned upon. (Am I turning into a shrink?)

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    Březen 22, 2004
    The Wiki's Up

    The wiki's alive at 208wiki.notlong.com. Help build it!

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    Březen 15, 2004
    Weblog Assignment 1
    Weblog Assignment 1: Propose a typology of the functions, origin and duration, size and density of social networks, based upon your own experience.

    (According to Webster's dictionary, "typology" means "study of or analysis or classification based on types or categories.")

    Context is everything. The structure of any classification of social groups depends on the motivation behind the classification. This depends on what, in the classifier's opinion, are the primary purposes that social networks serve. Let's break from our assumptions and look this over through other eyes.

    Typologies; three different ones:

    bender

    1. Machine's-Eye View: Human social networks cultivate a rich meat, metal and asphalt topsoil along the Earth's surface that promotes the gestation of digital life.

         Functions- Coat the planet with a terraced outer crust of machine-friendly asphalt that connects millions of garages, fuel tanks, landing strips and seaports, thereby creating an environment that will support the race of living machines through its infancy. Transport machine bits and fuel from deep within the Earth to more desirable locations along the asphalt crust. Assemble machine bits to form proto-machines and connect millions of these primordial building blocks together, engendering the evolution of digital life. Shelter proto-machines from power surges, from the elements and from the Kaczynskis of the world during the gestation period.

         Origin and Duration- Bloodline-centered networks: up to 10,000 years but usually much shorter; nation-centered networks: up to 2,000 years; networks centered on an individual industry or institution: ephemeral duration (up to 1,000 years); networks centered around individual humans: negligible duration.

         Size and Density- Bloodline-centered networks: varies widely at any given time from hundreds to billions of humans; nation-centered networks: up to 1.5 billion humans; networks centered on an individual industry or institution: usually 1,000 - 3 million, traditionally clumped in specific regions but becoming more widely distributed.; networks centered around individual humans: up to 1,500.

    - - -

    2-yuppiepuzzle.gif

    2. Corporation's-Eye View: Human social networks provide a food supply, a bloodstream, a nervous system and muscles needed by Earth's giant multinational corporations.

         Functions- Feed host corporations billions of dollars each year. Consume or carry off all the corporations' waste products. Carry out all of the work needed to ensure corporations' luxurious quality of life, including physical labor, financial services, computer operations, human resource management. Attract new servants via sales and marketing efforts. Produce and train new servants via childbirth, parenting and mass media. Construct and maintain communication networks necessary to connect each corporation's vast array of resources and branch offices, fusing all these pieces into a single entity. Minimize government-imposed inconveniences via legal and legislative intervention.

         Origin and Duration- Executive staff networks and legal/legislative support networks: most culled from the higher education system; usually last through the lifetime of each corporation. Supporting staff networks: culled from local human communities wherever a corporation operates; duration ranges from several weeks through the lifetime of the corporation. Consumer networks: origin and duration varies tremendously depending on mission statements, marketing plans and other strategies pursued by the given corporation; traditionally this has also been affected in some regions by government-imposed inconveniences, although these matters have become less consequential.

         Size and Density- Executive staff networks and legal/legislative support networks: usually less than 100 humans, often clustered in the largest cities where the given corporation operates. Consumer networks, supporting staff networks: varies widely from a few thousand to several million; density also varies considerably depending on the nature of the corporation.

     

    p2p.gif

    3. Meme's-Eye View: Human social networks constitute a habitable environment and a giant playground for memes.

         Functions- Manufacture billions of brains capable of receiving and transmitting language; distribute them across the planet. Develop technologies of clothing, shelter, medicine, and food processing that can allow memes to dwell comfortably in their biological hosts across all regions of the planet. Build hatchery-brains wherein new memes can manifest themselves. Amplify the range of freakish mutations in these brains by propagating ideals of "individuality" and "creativity" and "fun," thereby allowing a wide range of memes to manifest themselves. Invent social traditions and institutions that encourage consumption of intoxicants to fertilize brains and to encourage richer and more productive meme manifestations. Create space probes and communications transmission systems so that memes can explore other planets and solar systems. Develop communication reception systems capable of allowing memes to visit Earth from other planets and solar systems. Invent Jacuzzis so that memes can relax at the end of a long day.

         Origin and Duration- Language-centered networks: these morph from one language to another over time. The average language-supporting network survives from 500 to 1,500 years until the form of language spoken at the beginning of that period would be completely unintelligible to most members of the network at the end of the period. Individual industry-centered networks: up to 1,000 years. Fashion, arts and music networks: as long as 500 years. Networks supporting organized religion, nationalism, war and other masochistic, drama-producing metamemes: up to 1,000 years. Computer-mediated networks designed to cultivate Nigerian e-mail scams: ongoing duration, approximately forty years as of this writing.

         Size and Density- Language-centered networks: most smaller than 100 million and clumped locally, some larger than 3 billion and spread widely. Fashion, arts and music networks: many smaller than 1 million; a few of these networks have mutated into malignancies that infect more than 5 billion human minds, but these corporate behemoths support only a few narrow memes, they block the propagation of all other memes and they are being dismantled by antigen memes. Individual industry-centered networks: usually 1,000 - 3 million, traditionally clumped in specific regions but becoming more widely distributed. Networks supporting organized religion, nationalism, war and other masochistic, drama-producing metamemes: approximately 6 billion, extremely widespread. Computer-mediated networks designed to cultivate Nigerian e-mail scams: approximately 200 human brains, clumped mostly in Florida and on certain Caribbean islands.

    Filed under the best entries at 10:14 AM | Comments (1) | TrackBack (1) | Permalink
     
    Březen 14, 2004
    Getting Wiki With It

    A proposal:

    Why don't we build a wiki about the Spring 2004 Berkeley SIMS 208b class readings?

    It will be similar to the excellent wiki that Jeff Towle set up last semester for our 202 class. At the end of the semester, almost everyone in that class posted notes about one or two class readings in preparation for the final exam. This was one of the most effective uses of wikis I've seen.

    Our 208 wiki can be even better. This time:

  • people will post notes much earlier. If we post our notes well before each class, then we can examine them each week before the lecture for those readings; and:

  • we'll have at least two sets of notes for each reading. If at least two people participate each week, we'll enjoy a broader and more balanced range of perspectives.

    - - -

    The goal: to maximize our effectiveness in absorbing and analyzing this 607-page class reader.

    I propose that the contents of the wiki be shared with the public, for free use by anyone. Of course, nobody has to post notes, but if you do read the wiki, we expect you to participate! Please choose at least one reading, dive into it and post your notes to the wiki at least five days before we'll discuss that reading in class.

    Let me know what you think; in the meantime, Jeff and I will set up wiki software and templates to support this (and future?) wiki adventures.

    (PS- What's a wiki? It's a simple tool for collaborative document creation. It's essentially a set of Web pages that anyone can change or add to, with software that keeps track of all changes.)

    Filed under all entries at 08:29 PM | Comments (5) | TrackBack (1) | Permalink
     
    Březen 07, 2004
    Introduction
    cat-and-woman.jpg
    Here's a photo of me with my cat. He's a good nice sweet snookums, oh yes he is. I will post more photos after I tell you about my grandchildren, and the rest of what these kids call my "social network."

    I created this weblog for a class assignment, as part of UC Berkeley's Analysis of Information Organizations class (IS 208B, Spring 2004). Among other things, we analyze social networks, online social networking and dating services, and other social science issues in those funky spaces where computers are becoming involved in human interaction. For the class syllabus and that sort of thing look here.

    Short on time? Just check out the best entries. Or else browse through everything, starting with the latest from cheesebikini/208.

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